NFC zu H-K-05

SCOPE FOR ACTION

Almost all those involved in the killing of patients did not question their actions. They did not object, apparently acting without doubt or remorse. In connection with the crimes in Lüneburg, there were only a few individuals who tried, within the limits of their capabilities, not to participate.

Der Brief ist gelocht. Er ist mit Schreibmaschine geschrieben. Die Schrift ist teilweise verblasst und schwer lesbar. Ein Satz ist mit rotem Stift unterstrichen. Ein weiterer Satz ist mit schwarzem Stift am Rand markiert. In dem markierten Satz sind die Worte »kriminell Geisteskranken« in schwarz unterstrichen.

Letter from Georg Andreae, Chief President of the Province of Hanover, to the Reich Ministry of the Interior, dated July 11, 1940.

NLA Hanover Hann. 155 Göttingen Acc. 58/83 No. 10.

Georg Andreae from the provincial administration in Hanover traveled to Berlin to delay reporting the sick. There, he succeeded in ensuring that individual patients could be postponed from being transferred to a killing center. He also wanted to ensure that the assessment of »usefulness« would be interpreted very broadly. However, he was unsuccessful in this endeavor. He allowed himself to be convinced that there was a Führer order and did not use his discretion to defer as many people as possible.

As experts, Georg Andreae, Ludwig Geßner, and Gottfried Ewald knew that »euthanasia« was planned murder. They were opposed to it. In their opinion, people with disabilities should not be murdered, but instead receive only the most necessary care and assistance. Together, they wrote a memorandum to Reich Interior Minister Wilhelm Frick opposing »euthanasia.« However, this had no effect.

Es handelt sich um eine Kopie des Dokuments. Sie ist hell. Das Dokument ist mit der Schreibmaschine eng beschrieben. An einigen Stellen sind Wörter korrigiert worden. Einige Absätze sind mit rotem Stift markiert und mehrere Sätze sind mit rotem Stift unterstrichen.

Excerpt from the transcript of the public prosecutor’s interrogation of Georg Andreae on May 11, 1948.

NLA Hanover Nds. 721 Hanover Acc. 61/81 No. 28/1.

GEORG ANDREAE (1888 – 1983)

Es handelt sich um eine Kopie des Dokuments. Sie ist hell. Das Dokument ist mit der Schreibmaschine eng beschrieben. An einigen Stellen sind Wörter korrigiert worden. In der ersten Zeile des Textes sind die Worte »Dr. Andreae« mit rotem Stift unterstrichen.

Excerpt from the minutes of the public prosecutor’s interrogation of Georg Andreae on May 11, 1948.

NLA Hanover Nds. 721 Hanover Acc. 61/81 No. 28/1.

Georg Andreae was born in Göttingen and married in 1918. He studied law in Berlin, Munich, Freiburg, and Kiel. In 1933, he joined the NSDAP and became a member of the SS. From 1934 until the end of the war, he was the administrative director for youth welfare and social services as well as mental hospitals and nursing homes in the province of Hanover. This made him responsible for the implementation of »Aktion T4« as well as subsequent »euthanasia« measures in the province of Hanover. After his dismissal in 1945, he became managing director of the Lower Saxony Hostel Association and taught law at the Deaconess School in Stephansstift Hanover. In 1947, he was denazified as a »follower.« In 1948, preliminary proceedings were initiated against him, Ludwig Geßner, and Paul Fröhlich for aiding and abetting murder. At the end of 1950, all three were acquitted. Georg Andreae died in 1983.

Due to her experience in caring for children and adolescents, senior nurse Marie Jürgen (1891–1994) took over the management of the »children’s ward« in Lüneburg. Shortly thereafter, she took a vacation. When she returned two weeks later, Max Bräuner exercised his authority and replaced her with Wilhelmine Wolf, whom he believed would provide the necessary determination and attitude.

Excerpt from the interrogation of Marie Jürgen on April 25, 1949.

NLA Hanover Nds. 721 Lüneburg Acc. 8/98 No. 3.

Der Brief ist vergilbt. Er ist in der rechten oberen und der rechten unteren Ecke beschädigt. Er ist mit der Schreibmaschine geschrieben, auch Ingeborg Webers Unterschrift. Unter dem Brief steht die Antwort von Direktor Grimme. Sie ist ebenfalls komplett mit der Schreibmaschine geschrieben. Einige Sätze im Brief und der Antwort sind mit rotem Stift unterstrichen.

Letter from Ingeborg Weber to the Hildesheim Mental Hospital, Director Grimme, dated November 10, 1941.

NLA Hanover Nds. 721 Lüneburg Acc. 8/98 No. 3.

Ingeborg Weber reluctantly accepted her transfer to Lüneburg. She was just starting her career and had only completed her training in June 1941. When she realized that her »special assignment« meant killing children, she asked to be transferred back to Hildesheim. Her request was denied, and she was permanently transferred to Lüneburg instead. When Max Bräuner also rejected her request for leave and she had to remain in Lüneburg, she was so desperate that she took her own life in 1942.

SCOPE FOR ACTION

Escaping murder in the killing centers of Brandenburg, Pirna-Sonnenstein, Hadamar, and Pfafferode was virtually impossible. Families often only received news of a transfer after the murder had already taken place. Rescue was extremely rare. Four patients survived their transfer to killing centers through deferrals or repatriation to Lüneburg. They are exceptions.

Das Bild zeigt Herta Braun bis zur Brust. Sie trägt einen großen dunklen Mantel. Die Haare sind gescheitelt nach hinten gebunden. Mit geschlossenem Mund guckt Hertha Braun in die Kamera.

Herta Braun, 1924.

NLA Hanover Nds. 330 Lüneburg Acc. 2004/134 No. 03270.

Das Bild zeigt Paula Jahn bis zur Brust. Sie trägt ein gemustertes Oberteil mit Schleife über der Brust. Die Haare sind gescheitelt nach hinten gesteckt. Ihr Kopf ist leicht nach unten geneigt. Mit geschlossenem Mund guckt Hertha Braun in die Kamera.

Paula Jahn, 1937.

NLA Hanover Nds. 330 Lüneburg Acc. 2004/134 No. 01135.

Das Bild zeigt Karl Reich sitzend auf einem Stuhl. Er sitzt vor einer großen hellen Wand. Er trägt einen dunklen Anzug mit Weste und hellem Hemd. Die Kette einer Taschenuhr ist sichtbar. Er hat kurze Haare und blickt mit leicht geöffnetem Mund Richtung Kamera. Seine Hände sind im Schoß gefaltet.

Karl Reich, around 1922.

NLA Hanover Hann. 155 Lüneburg Acc. 2004/066 No. 08339.

Das Bild zeigt Heinrich Brandt sitzend auf einem Stuhl. Er ist von den Knien aufwärts zu sehen. Er sitzt vor einer großen hellen Wand. Er trägt einen dunklen Anzug mit Weste und hellem Hemd. Er hat kurze, etwas lichte Haare und einen Schnurrbart. Er blickt mit leicht geöffnetem Mund Richtung Kamera. Seine Hände liegen im Schoß.

Heinrich Brandt, around 1914.

NLA Hanover Hann. 155 Lüneburg Acc. 2004/066 No. 07628.

Only a few patients were not transferred from the Herborn intermediate institution to the Hadamar »T4« killing center. Two women were brought back from Herborn to Lüneburg. Two men managed to be removed from the gas chamber at the Hadamar killing center. They were needed as laborers on the institution’s own farm in Schnepfenhausen. These four patients survived.

HEINRICH BRANDT (1882 – 1957)

Heinrich Brandt from Bornberg near Cuxhaven came from a family in which alcohol was consumed in large quantities. He too became addicted to alcohol. In 1912, his mother died, a few weeks before he was committed to the Lüneburg mental hospital. The family farm was taken over by his brother Johann. Heinrich Brandt repeatedly committed crimes to obtain money for food and alcohol. When he learned of his uncle’s death in 1914, he escaped. Three weeks later, he was arrested and committed to Lüneburg again. He thus survived the First World War and was released in 1919. In 1922, he reoffended. After two stays in the »Santa Fu« prison in Hamburg, the court in Stade ordered him to be committed again because:

»The court is convinced that the defendant does not suffer from intellectual inferiority.«

Decision of the Stade Regional Court dated January 10, 1936.

Hadamar Memorial Archive. Ref. 12/K2978.

Das Dokument ist leicht vergilbt und gelocht. Am oberen Rand sind einige Flecken zu sehen. Eine Tabelle mit zwei dünnen Spalten und einer dicken Spalte ist vorgedruckt. Die beiden dünnen Spalten sind mit Monat und Tag überschrieben. Verschiedene Monate und Tage sind handschriftlich eingetragen. Neben den einzelnen Daten sind in der dicken Spalte daneben jeweils schwer lesbare handschriftliche Bemerkungen über Heinrich Brandt eingetragen. Oben rechts über der Tabelle steht sein Name.

Entry by Gustav Marx in Heinrich Brandt’s medical records.

Hadamar Memorial Archive. Ref. 12/K2978.

After undergoing alcohol withdrawal treatment, Heinrich Brandt behaved in an exemplary and »useful« manner. Nevertheless, he was transferred to »Aktion T4.« This was probably also because he had become inconvenient:

»Behaves rather arrogantly towards the nurses at times, does not like to be told what to do. According to the nurses, he sometimes makes highly censored speeches and expresses disparaging criticism of the current form of government.«

It can be assumed that Heinrich Brandt sensed what threatened him and his fellow patients. After his release from the gas chamber, he behaved as desired, almost overly conformist. This saved his life. In 1942, he helped Hedwig Siebert run her cinema. In 1945, she vehemently advocated for his release. On February 11, 1946, he was allowed to leave. He later moved back to his homeland and died on December 2, 1957, in Bornberg.

Der Brief ist leicht vergilbt und gelocht. Oben links ist der Briefkopf vorgedruckt. Er enthält den Namen und die Adresse des Kinos sowie den Namen von Hedwig Siebert. In der Adresse ist der Straßenname »Horst-Wessel-Strasse« durchgestrichen. Daneben steht handschriftlich der neue Name der Straße. Der Brief ist handschriftlich mit dunkler Tinte geschrieben und unterschrieben.
Auf der Rückseite steht die Antwort aus der Heil- und Pflegeanstalt Hadamar. Sie ist mit Bleistift geschrieben und schwer lesbar.

Letter from Hedwig Siebert with reply to the Hadamar Institution and Nursing Home dated August 11, 1945.

Hadamar Memorial Archive. Ref. 12/K2978.

DOROTHEA KALIWE (née GRIESBACH) (1890–1967)

Das Foto ist sepiafarben und insgesamt recht dunkel. Dorothea Kaliwe hält ein Baby in den Armen. Das Baby trägt einen hellen Strampler und blickt aufmerksam zu Dorothea auf. Dorothea trägt dunkle Kleidung und blickt lächelnd auf das Baby herab. Rechts neben den beiden steht Dorotheas Tochter Ursula. Sie trägt einen Damenhut und einen dunklen Mantel mit einem Halstuch. Sie blickt lächelnd auf das Baby herab.

Dorothea Kaliwe was saved from »euthanasia« by her daughter Ursula and son-in-law Theo Zobel. Her rescue was an exception. She was married to the forester Ernst Kaliwe, and they had three children: Günter, Ursula, and Ernst. After World War I, the family left their home and eventually settled in Scharnebeck. Dorothea suffered from depression, probably as a result of a miscarriage and domestic violence. From 1928 onwards, she was a permanent patient at the Lüneburg institution. In 1943, she was transferred to the Pfafferode killing center. Her daughter and son-in-law followed her there. As a forester, he owned a gun and threatened the doctors:

»I’m going through that door with my mother-in-law right now, and if you pick up the phone, we won’t leave this room alive.«

Interview with Ursula Becker, January 11, 2018.

ArEGL.

Dorothea Kaliwe was handed over to her family. She survived and died in 1967 in the apartment of her daughter, with whom she had been living since her rescue.

In the photo, Dorothea Kaliwe (left) is holding her newborn granddaughter Ursula Zobel. Dorothea’s daughter Ursula Zobel can be seen on the right. The photo was taken in December 1934 at the Lüneburg Institution and Nursing Home.

Photo of Ursula and Theo Zobel, taken before 1944.

ArEGL 64.

Doctors and parents rarely resisted. The doctor Willi Baumert only exercised his discretion once. Only a few parents even attempted to save their children, and even fewer succeeded. Children who survived the »children’s ward« rarely returned to their families. They often remained in institutional care for many decades.

Das Dokument ist gelocht und weist einige kleinere Flecken auf. Eine Tabelle mit zwei dünnen Spalten und einer dicken Spalte ist vorgedruckt. Die beiden dünnen Spalten sind mit Monat und Tag überschrieben. In der dicken Spalte daneben sind mit blauer Tinte schwer lesbare handschriftliche Bemerkungen über Käte eingetragen.

Excerpt from Käte’s medical history.

NLA Hanover Nds. 330 Lüneburg Acc. 2004/134 No. 02912.

The children transferred to Eben-Ezer had to be of school age. Younger and older children had no chance of escaping in this way – with one exception: Erika (born in 1940) was transferred to Eben-Ezer even though she was only four years old. Willi Baumert decided that she should not be separated from her older sister Käte (born in 1938). Thus, both sisters survived the »children’s ward« in Lüneburg.

Frieda Neumann could not be saved. Although her father tried everything to get her into Bethel, she was murdered by Willi Baumert.

Das ist ein Schwarz-Weiß-Foto. Hilda sitzt in einem Korbstuhl in einem Garten. Sie trägt ein dunkles Kleid und lange geflochtene Zöpfe. Nach rechts angelehnt blickt sie in die Kamera. Auf ihrem Schoß sitzt seitlich Frieda. Frieda trägt ein helles kurzärmeliges Kleid und hält eine Hand von Hilda. Frieda guckt nach links aus dem Bild heraus.

Frieda Neumann sitting on the lap of her older half-sister Hilda Janssen, presumably on Hilda’s 17th birthday on May 4, 1931.

Privately owned by the Alpha family.

Vacation request from Frieda Wernitz dated December 2, 1942.

NLA Hanover Nds. 330 Lüneburg Acc. 2012/064 No. 2566.

Some parents even accepted the sterilization of their child so that it could be discharged from the »children’s ward.« The parents of Ingeborg Wernitz from Lüneburg did the same.

»On September 26, 1942, Ms. Wernitz appeared at the health care office of the city of Lüneburg […] and requested the release of her daughter Ingeborg Wernitz from the institution. She and her husband did not agree with the placement and would never give their consent to it. Her daughter could be cared for more cheaply at home, as she was not learning anything at the institution. She would also take good care of Ingeborg. On October 3, 1942, the Lüneburg Health Care Office sent a letter requesting information on whether I. W. could be released if she were to undergo sterilization.«

NLA Hanover Nds. 330 Lüneburg Acc. 2012/064 No. 2566.

Ingeborg Wernitz was sterilized on January 21, 1943, at the age of 14, and then discharged from the »children’s ward« on February 26, 1943.